Foodborne disease and food control in the Gulf States

Abstract

Gulf States in the Middle East have had to change rapidly from subsidence herding, farming and fishing communities to modern states through the exploitation of revenue-generating petroleum products. Fresh water is an even more precious commodity than oil today as this is seen as a rapidly diminishing resource through over use of aquifers with scarce and unpredictable rainfall not replenishing the needs of these countries which increasing rely on reverse-osmosis (RO) desalination of seawater but at a cost in terms of energy. Recycling of waste water and sewage is carried out and used to water urban landscaping and some crops, but there are risks of the presence of pathogens. Much food today is imported to satisfy the requirements of expanding populations, especially foreign workers on temporary visas who make up more than half the residents in many of these Gulf States. Despite limited published data on Gulf States regarding enteric and foodborne diseases and their prevention and control, profiles emerge that can describe the current situation and some future directions. Gastrointestinal diseases, such as typhoid, cholera, and amebic dysentery can be brought into these countries through workers returning from endemic regions, and also through refugees from conflict-torn neighboring countries. However, some diseases are endemic like brucellosis and fatal illnesses from the newly identified Middle East Respiratory Corona Virus (MERS-CoV) associated with camels. In the 1990s, coalition troops stationed during the Gulf War brought in external suppliers and caterers, but using local products like chickens with troops occasionally suffering from infections. The hot climate, particularly in summer, can allow rapid growth of pathogens in foods, especially where refrigeration is not available as in home-prepared lunches by workers and during transportation of foods across traffic-congested cities. One of the biggest concerns for Saudi Arabia is the health oversight of millions during the annual Hajj, and despite much care over restriction of infected pilgrims and care of food, occasional outbreaks have been reported. Government agencies are particularly concerned about restaurant food and try and follow up on complaints of customers but rarely are agents identified; those that have include Salmonella, Bacillus cereus and Staphylococcus aureus. Implicated foods include ethnic products such as Turkish menu items and shawarma. Local culture may play a role in allowing growth of pathogens such as serving women after men at weddings. However, deaths that have been attributed to microbial sources may have been caused by illegal use of pesticides such as aluminum phosphide. Severe penalties have been applied to owners and staff implicated in outbreaks including fines, jail sentences and deportations, which are not typical of Western nations. However, some agencies have initiatives to help educate and train foreign workers in several languages. Foodborne disease surveillance systems are generally not adequate though some countries have initiated modernization of inspection approaches and laboratories. Consumer surveys show that residents have some knowledge of foodborne disease but this could be improved especially for women who do most of the shopping and food preparation in homes. Agencies are increasing directing campaigns for general food safety in their populations, and as long as resources are available, food control is likely to improve over time in Gulf States which is good news for visitors, expatriate workers and citizens alike.

Keywords: Bahrain; Food safety government oversight; Foodborne disease and its surveillance; Gastrointestinal diseases; Gulf States; Kuwait; Oman; Qatar; Saudi Arabia; United Arab Emirates; Water availability.